Problems Faceing Susu Collectors in the Bantama Sub-Metro

Introduction

Background to the study Personal saving may be voluntary; it can also be contractual through insurance policies by insurance companies and also contributory if through the traditional social security system or “susu“. “Susu” is a traditional form of saving where an individual saves a fixed amount per day with a “susu” collector for a specified period, say one month. At the end of the month, the Individual collects his or her total savings less one day’s installment, which the “susu” collector deducts as commission. The higher the number of clients of a “susu” collector, the higher the level of that collector's commission at the end of each calendar month. “Susu” is the popular name given to the rotating savings club in Ghana. It is said to be of Yoruba origin, which is an adulteration of “susu”. The term is believed to have been introduced into Ghana by migrant Ibo traders before independence in 1957 when formal banking had not caught up well with people, especially the indigenous illiterates folks who were mainly traders. With the Alien’s Compliance Order in 1969 coming into force, these aliens left this legacy.

Then came quite a number of Ghanaians entering the business as a result. A few unscrupulous persons also crept in and some actually bolted away with their clients saving. (Aryeetey and Gockel, 1991) In response to the increased cases of fraudulent practices of some “susu” collectors in the late 1980s, the Ghana Co-operative “Susu” Collectors Association was formed in 1990 in an attempt to regulate and supervise the activities of the “susu” collectors.

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This association serves as the mouthpiece for all “susu” co-operatives in Ghana. It is the agency that collects taxes on behalf of the commissioner of internal revenue services and external credit facilities for its regional or district societies. (Aryeetey, 2000) and Ardner (1964) echo an informal confirmation that “susu” was an ancient institution prior to the introduction of the British currency. “Susu” was practiced by Nigerian traders in the Makola number (two) market in Accra. Apart from the term “susu”, the rotating saving club is known by other names in different parts of Ghana. The Ewe’s generally refer to the clubs as “edzodzo” or “eso dzodzo”. Whilst among the Kotokoles in the northern part of the Volta region, it is known as “edeso”.

In some quarters in Laura town, the club is known as “lekseque”. Statement of the problem People has realized the importance of “susu” scheme yet “susu” collectors faces a lot of problems mobilizing contributors to participate in the scheme. A lot of contributors have lost interest or back out of the scheme because of the bad perception of “susu” collectors. Collectors find themselves wanting as sometimes the group in which they join collapses as a result of embezzlement by the group leaders. Some contributors also end up collecting their share of the money contributed and refuse to contribute again.

Banks that are involved in the saving scheme also face documentation problems with their clients. Unfortunately, the large amount of research on informal savings has not investigated the problems facing the “susu” collectors. In pursuit of this research, however, an attempt has been made to find the antecedent facts that leave the “indigenous savings scheme” incapable of living up to expectations as far as mobilization, administration, and management of funds are concerned. Purpose of the study General Objective: The general purpose of this study was to discover the problems facing “susu” collectors.

Specific Objectives:

1. To examine some silent points in the administration and management of “susu” schemes.
2. To identify how “susu” saving scheme is organized and operated by individuals and other financial institutions.
3. To find out why people engage in “susu” schemes.

Research questions:

1. What problems exist in the administration of “susu” scheme?
2. What measures do collectors adopt to ensure the safety of the contributions?
3. Who are those involved in the “susu” collection?
4. What problems do collectors face with their clients?
5. How does the scheme operate?
6. Why do people engage in “susu”?

Significance of the study. This study may be useful to “susu” collectors, financial institutions that take part in the scheme, Ghana Co-operative “Susu” Collectors Association (G. C. S. C. A), “susu” contributors and the general public. The management of “susu” schemes will be able to solve the problems facing their collectors as well as management and administration problems. This may be possible after knowing the problems that exist in the operation of the scheme.

The study provides feedback to the Ghana Co-operative “Susu” Collectors Association (G. C. S. C. A) as to what actually goes on with the operation of the scheme. The study will contribute to the general understanding of “susu” operations to the advantage of the “susu” contributor and the general public.

Limitations to the study

The study was not obviously without shortcomings. The researcher was faced with some problems. Books written on the susu scheme were a little source of information. The method of sampling used by the researcher was not the appropriate technique but was the cheapest.

Other problems were the refusal of some people to grant interviews on the topic and the questionnaires. However, with all the problems, it is the hope and wish of the researcher that all information gathered is valid and beneficial to the interested parties especially the people of Bantama sub metro.

Delimitation of the study

In other to get reliable records and information, the research was centered on “susu” collectors. The researcher contacted the garden city savings and loans Bantama branch and “Gye nyame susu” center at Suntreso south and their members, and collectors in their offices and homes.

The conclusions and generation, therefore, were not applicable to all “susu” schemes. Organization The study consists of five chapters. Chapter one of this study deals with the introduction. It covers the background to the study and sets out the statement of the problem, the purpose of the study, the research questions, the significance of the study, the limitations of the study, the delimitation of the study, the organization, and the definition of terms. Chapter two covers the review of significant or related literature to the study review. Chapter three also talks about the methodology and the procedure for the research.

It looks at the various instruments used in collecting the data of the study. Chapter four deals with the presentation of data analysis of information gathered from the survey and the interpretation of results. Chapter five also deals with the summary of findings, conclusion and recommendations. Definition of Term SUSU: An alteration of ‘,esusu,’ a yuroba word given to the rotating savings club in Ghana.

Chapter two

Informal financial savings have been an important part of local financial resource mobilization in Ghana and other countries since the introduction of money as a medium of exchange. Through these savings, most traders and dwellers are able to raise capital for their businesses and other commercial activities. This involves elements of the credit unions and the insurance scheme. In Ghana, the traditional societies are called by the name “susu” societies and “susu” clubs. A lot of authors, researchers, and scholars have addressed the issue of “susu”.

Problems Howard et, all contended that “susu” collectors are unused to having an apex organization to represent them. In the North, eight hundred and fifty (850) are registered with this; though it is estimated that a further hundred and fifty unregistered members operate in the North. They run the business from kiosks located in the marketplace and act as mobile bankers.

Deposits, often of low but regular value, are usually taken on a daily basis over the course of the month. Ghana-vision 2020 Program Of Action for the first medium-term development plan stated that though voluntary informal savings groups (“susu”) provide most of the working capital of small and medium-scale enterprises, these “susu” groups and other non-banking financial institutions are at present not geared towards long-term investment financing. This has been a major problem with “susu’ groups in Ghana.

However there is strong possibility for “susu” to form the basis for the establishment of mutual funds and cooperative savings schemes. According to the report on Financial Accountability and management, it is inevitable that the development of credit unions does not conform to a single universal blueprint. In the context of a worldwide movement, three major differences in the development of particular credit union industries.

Credit union movements in specific locations will potentially move from birth, through adolescence to full development as a consequence of the growth in assets and a direct bearing on accountability. Again to the extent that homogeneity does not pertain, significant variability in accountability between credit unions may exist. Safety of contributions According to Aryeetey (2000) most ‘informal savings mobilizers’ (including “susu” collectors) use bank facilities for deposits. This implies that a substantial part of rural financial savings ends up in banks. At Bonwire and Efiduase in rural Asante, “susu” collectors were able to collect 8. 8 million and 8. 6 million per month, respectively, which they saved in commercial banks in Kumasi, the regional capital (ROSCA survey, 1999). But while informally mobilized savings are to enhance the lending operations of formal banks both this study and the study by Aryeetey (2000) indicates that such lending is skewed towards urban areas.

These “susu” collectors use the banking facilities extensively to safeguard their funds. People involved in the scheme Ndeh (1998) in presenting a paper on informal savings added that women especially those in the rural population face considerable obstacles in their access to an institutional source of funding. For instance, some bank managers would like to “sleep” with them before they are given loans. Because they do not want to fall victim to circumstances they decide to form groups to save funds in order to aid them in their finances. To add to his comment Ndeh talked about the situation in the Philippines where traders especially women who are married cannot contract loans from the bank without the consent of their husbands. They, therefore, involve themselves in informal financing here they can get easy access to credit.

Ndeh also said that less than 28% of Cameroon women traders get access to formal credit. He also commented that this kind of situation in Cameroon might also affect traders in other developing countries. According to Ardener and Burnan (1995), the rotating “susu” club continues to play a dynamic role in helping to meet the cash needs of women traders and farmers. It is founded on principles of mutual trust, obligatory relations, and homogeneity. Most “susu” collectors were Women. This shows that women are mostly involved in the “susu” scheme. According to Caselli, the “susu” collectors provide savings facilities to individuals involved in a wide variety of informal income-generating activities, traders, cart pushers, apprentices, mechanism drivers, and sometimes farmers and fishermen.

Operation of the scheme

According to Adjetey (1998), a variant of the “susu” scheme is popularly known as “olu” savings scheme, sometimes described in the literature as mobile banking. In the scheme, the “olus” or “susu” collectors go to markets and hawkers to collect daily savings. The saver chooses the amount he or she can deposit each day, and the collector records this amount on a card, indicating some personal information about the depositor. No formal agreement exists between the saver and the collector. The scheme is based entirely on personal trust and relationships. Some collectors do make credit facilities available to some of their traders. Such facilities sometimes attract interest payments that one made on daily basis. “Susu” collectors are entitled to the first daily contribution as a commission. The money collected from various contributors are sent to the agent of the scheme which is later deposited at the bank for save keeping.

Emerging system

Bortei-doku and Ayeetey (1998) discuss the operation of rotating savings clubs in Ghana, shedding light on such issues as the significance of clubs within the national economy, their structural and functional characteristics, their gender composition, the attitudes and perceptions of club members about the system, and more recent changes and variations included by changes in the national macroeconomic setting. They note that while the mainstream principle of grouping together people whose common goal is to accumulate a lump sum over a specific period of time is still a respected method for mobilizing savings and allocation credit, and thus a robust socioeconomic development instrument, the operationalization of that principle had changed over time. They noted that ‘new’ institutions had emerged, but using the same principle, that is “susu” collectors and emerging savings and loan companies.

Botei-doku and Aryeetey argue that despite changes in how the principal group economic activity is operationalized, the interests of men and women as differentiable savers in this informal sector activity appear to have been affected even if only moderately: thus, while women appear to be more active in accumulating the required ump-sums within the framework of the newer “susu” collector system, more men, particularly at workplaces, continue to stock to rotating saving schemes. They maintain that the “susu” system remains a resilient institution, in view of the preparedness of participants to introduce operational innovations in response to changing socioeconomic conditions. Also in a report on new institutions, Aryeetey, (2000) observes “susu” companies that have emerged in Ghana only since 1985 operational principles are similar to those of individual “susu” collectors.

The difference between the two is that the saver is ‘guaranteed’ credit. Rather than deposits returned to the saver monthly, as is the case with the “susu” collector, the company holds them for at least six months, after which the depositor may withdraw the saving in addition to an equivalent amount of loan. As part of the innovation occurring among informal units, newer savings and loan companies have also emerged. These entities sometimes use commissioned agents (“susu” collectors) to mobilize deposits primarily from market women and make short-term loans available to them from time to time.

Interest and collateral base Broham, John (2000) found that on the credit side, the advances made by the “susu” collectors to their regular depositors are usually of low value, very short term ( less than one year) provided in an interest-free basis without collateral and disbursed immediately if the money is at hand. The money lenders advance loans on interest higher than the banks but without collateral and disbursed very quickly if the client is known. The World Bank (1995) indicates that positive real interest rates are not crucial in mobilizing additional deposits and creating avenues for granting credit as evidenced by the fact that the “susu’ system functions with negative nominal rates.

It indicates that rural communities place a higher premium on convenience, accessibility, and trust. Why people engage in “susu” Aryeetey and Gockel also stated that the estimates of the size of informal savings suggest that about fifty percent (50%) of total financial savings in Ghana is attributable to the “susu” system. Most “susu” clubs are guided by unwritten codes of conduct. Writers like Aryeetey and Aryeetey wrote about the operations, utilizations, and changes in rotating “susu” savings in Ghana.

They found out that in an economic climate where several social groups in the workforce find that their access to informal institutions is limited due to their socio-economic handicap, informal institutions such as “susu” are bound to flourish. Aryeetey et al (1990) said besides the difficulty of operating a bank account, the distribution of bans and the low levels of literacy in Ghana, especially among traders, make informal saving practical for certain categories of people. While in the large urban areas of Ghana, banking facilities may be away from them.

Although “susu” collectors sometimes embezzle their money they still prefer it because the collectors come to collect the daily contribution at their workplace. Ndeh (1998) presented a paper on informal savings. He commented that, in developing countries, the financial institutions have utterly neglected the mobilization of savings and deposit facilities in order to make them accessible to the majority of the rural population, therefore, these people have resorted to informal savings to save their hard-earned money. Aryeetey and arrested (1995) indicated that, though “susu” is popularly used to purchase small consumer goods, there is strong evidence that, it is an important source of business capital. Opoku l. argues that”susu” is perhaps the best-known and oldest form of the self-financing business scheme in Ghana.

The Sunday Hauld also argues that “susu” is perhaps the largest best known and oldest form of the self-financial business scheme in Ghana. Despite the growth of the banking sector, in the past few years, “susu” and other nonbanking financial schemes have remained the backbone and lifeline for a substantial proportion of workers in Ghana’s economic development especially those operating in the informal sector, which is in fact the dominant force in the country’s economy. This has shown the contribution of the game to national development.

The World Bank also identifies several informal financial arrangements in Ghana. They include Rotating Savings and Credit Associations and moneylenders. It attempts to find explanations for the existence of the informal sector and suggest that in rural areas the banking system offer low-quality services: the processing of deposit and withdrawal takes several hours, and in some instances, customers find no cash and must revisit the bank in order to make a withdrawal. This has shown that some people are interested in the scheme because of the convenience attached o the “susu” scheme.

Chapter 3

To ensure the collection of reliable and accurate information or data for the research work, certain procedures and methods were adopted. This chapter deals with the methods used by the researcher in collecting data for the purpose of the research. It involves the research design, population and sampling, data collection techniques, data collection procedures, and data analysis. Research Design The type of research design adopted for this study was a survey. A survey was conducted on “susu” collectors to ascertain the problems they face.

The survey helps find answers to research questions in order to get the information needed for the research. Critically examining the research questions, it was realized that a survey was the most suitable research design for the study of information. The survey was aided by a questionnaire and interview. This method gives a quantitative means of establishing relationships among variables. Population The population for the study was “susu” collectors and “susu” cooperative members in the Bantama sub-metro. This population was made up of rotating “susu” collectors, “susu” agents nd other “susu” cooperative members. Sampling The members of this study were selected through convenience and purposive sampling by relying on “susu” collectors and “susu” cooperative union members.

The sample size included twenty “susu” collectors and five susu cooperative members. For reasons including lower cost, greater accuracy of results, greater speed of data collection, and availability of population subjects, the researcher used convenience and purposive methods of sampling. Though convenience sampling is the least reliable design, the researcher chose convenience sampling because it was the cheapest and easiest to conduct. The researcher had the freedom to choose whoever was found. This method of sampling was used to test ideas and even to gain ideas about the subject of interest. In this study, the researcher wanted to talk to only those directly engaged in the collection of contributions of the “susu” scheme hence purposive sampling was used. The researcher found it very useful and appropriate in the early stages of the research. In all, a total number of twenty-five subjects were pulled from two operating “susu” schemes in the sub-metro.

This was made up of twenty “susu” collectors and five other “susu” cooperative union members. Data collection instruments The researcher used interviews and questionnaires as instruments to gather information needed for the study. The interview approach was aimed at finding out the views of individual “susu” collectors from various “susu” groups, “susu” administrators, and other members of the scheme. The issues upon which the interview schedule was based were the administrative problems faced by “susu” collectors. In all, nine items were in the interview.

This interview was however unstructured. The “susu” collectors and other members of the “susu” scheme who could read answered the questionnaire. In designing the questionnaire schedule, the researcher considered the degree and form of structure imposed on the respondents. He used various response strategies; offering options that included unstructured open-ended responses (the free choice of words) and structured or close responses (specified alternatives provided). The free-response nature of some of the questions offered the respondents the opportunity to express themselves extensively.

The respondents were all literate so there were no difficulties in administering the questions. Different questions were designed for the different target groups (based on the objectives of the study in chapter one) to obtain primary and secondary information as well as data from the field. The questionnaires designed for the respondent comprised open-ended questions and objective questions. In all twenty- six items were in the questionnaire. Data collection procedures Copies of the questionnaire were self-administered upon gaining access to participants.

The questionnaire incorporated open-ended questions and was couched in simple language. With this process, a lot of data can be gotten with relative ease from different people within a shorter period. The collection of data covered a period of two weeks. The “susu” collectors were interviewed on the job with an interview lasting for an average of ten minutes. Questionnaires were sent to “susu” collectors at their offices and on the job. Respondents were given two weeks for the questionnaires. The questionnaires were collected personally and the rate of return of the questionnaires was 100%.

Validity and Reliability of data collected. For the purpose of validity, the researcher made sure that all the information obtained from the respondents was the true answers to the interview and questionnaires designed for them. Again any form of misconstrues in the minds of the respondents concerning the understanding of the question and how to complete them were explained to clear their minds. Finally, for the benefit of validity and reliability of data, the researcher deemed it right to use convenience and purposive methods of sampling to avoid high costs and errors.

About 53% of responses to questions 8 and 9 with which the researcher wanted to find out if “susu” collectors faced administrative problems were “yes”. Which represented ten out of the nineteen responses to the questions.

Response to administrative problems

Some of the administrative problems stated included: Bureaucratic problems. Low salary to “susu” collectors frequent absenteeism of top management. The strictness and rigidity of rules and regulation Rules and regulations. A questionnaire was designed to find out the rules and regulations used for the administration of the scheme. The response was that, the rules and regulations which serve as a form of controlling checks and balances of the scheme help to keep the accounting books and records accordingly.

The rules and regulations for keeping financial records at the various schemes were the strict use of accounting system treasury and financial reporting guidelines. It also involves the reporting hierarchy of the scheme from the “lower susu collectors” up the organizational chart to the highest of the structure. About 62% of the “susu” collectors complained of the rules and regulations being so strict and made no room for changes. Salary The researcher observed that the salary structure of “susu” collectors in the Bantama sub-metro ranges from  400,000 to 700,000.

“Susu” collectors in the sub-metro complained about their salaries although most of them knew they had no ‘better’ qualification to earn much salary. They compare the cumulative amount deducted from their clients as commission for them with the amount given to them at the end of the month. About 70% of the “susu” collectors interviewed revealed this to the researcher during the interview. The budget was drawn to help financial plan for a period of time. Monies allocated were used for specified purposes. The budget had been prepared annually for the scheme by the general accountant who is the head of the budget implementation team. The team according to Garden city savings and loans is made up of the scheme administrator, the general accountant, the scheme manager, and five (5) senior members of “susu” collectors.

The component of the revenue side of the budget is made up of income from “susu” contributions, interest on “susu” contributions invested into other businesses, and loans. The expenditure side of the budget consists of spending on personnel emolument, administration, services, and investment. The problem “susu’ collectors in Bantama sub-metro have with this budget is that they are not usually considered in the plan.

The team checks and controls financial activities. This results in the effectiveness and efficiency of work in the operation of the scheme. Personal interviews were held to find out if there had been any research work on problems facing “susu” collectors in their operations and if external auditors audited their books. The responses were that there were auditors and those were the independent auditors outside the scheme who inspects accounting books to find out if they were kept on justification and to give feedback to shareholders.

Some problems included documentation problems

That are the problems mostly faced by illiterate clients. Majority of the trader-contributors do not understand the operations of the scheme and accuse “susu” collectors of being ‘fraud agents’ in times of any delays in payment of their contributed amount. How does the scheme operate? Referring to the literature review, Aryeetey found that, the “olus” or “susu” collectors go to markets and hawkers to collect daily savings. The “susu” contributor chooses the amount he or she can deposit each day, and the collector records this amount on a card, indicating some personal information about the depositor.

Summary, conclusion and recommendations

This chapter summarizes the findings of the study and draws conclusions from them. Finally, it gives recommendations as to how to solve the problems entailed in the previous chapter and gives possible suggestions to improve the operations of “susu” scheme by “susu” collectors.

Summary

The objective of this research carried on was to investigate the problems facing “susu” collectors in the Bantama sub-metro. During the study, it was realized that “susu” groups and “susu” collectors kept good records on their activities. The majority of the “susu” collectors were females and the majority of them had vocational school certificates. The “susu” groups prepared a budget yearly with funds sourced from “susu” contributors re-invested into other businesses to raise enough interest to match against expenditure. Rules and regulations were set to be a guideline for bookkeeping at various “susu” groups.

An appropriate budgetary system was conducted and financial books for various activities were kept properly and were used for different purposes except that “susu” collectors were not actively involved. A monitoring team that checks the financial operations had been set up and external auditors audited the financial books kept strictly annually. “susu” collectors are attractive to low-income earners who need short-term working capital. The relatively low-interest rate makes lending even more attractive, as does the possibility that repayment can be made daily in small amounts. Although the loan amounts are relatively small, their regularity enables many traders to smooth their expenditure patterns by making immediate payments to suppliers and thus ensuring a regular flow of supplies. The small size of the loans and their very short maturity periods do not make them very useful for small and micro enterprises.

Lastly, research work that was to be conducted on the improvement of operations of the “susu” scheme was yet to be done. Conclusion From the information obtained from the questionnaires and interviews, a conclusion needs to be drawn to assess the operations and problems faced by “susu” collectors in the country. The subheadings below present the conclusion: Administrative problems. Rules and regulations are set for “susu” groups with regards to the reporting guidelines and the proper action to be taken on the books kept at various “susu’ schemes. The “susu” groups were supposed to use the ATF reporting guidelines. The majority of “susu” collectors in

Bantama sub-metro expressed their discomfort with this guideline stating it was so rigid and inflexible. The work of external or independent auditors helps to prevent fraud and irregularities in the operations of the “susu” scheme. However, “susu” collectors expressed their discomfort when the external auditors are at the premises of the “susu” group stating that they distract and interrupt their daily operations and work. The daily budget drawn was to help a financial plan for a period of time. Many items of expenditure were mostly considered to match revenue per year. “susu” collectors were not happy with the budget because they were not mostly considered in the budget as an expenditure item.

Organization and operational problems

As it was observed in the previous chapter, for a contribution to be redrawn by a contributor, he or she needs to inform the “susu” collector a day before the collection. “susu” contributors expressed their annoyance with the system and mistrust with this operation. This has been a problem “susu” collectors face with this operation. The “susu” groups offer jobs for the unemployed of this country and in so doing reduce the problem of high rate of unemployment. However “susu” collectors expressed their dissatisfaction with the amount they receive as salary, especially during the month of November when most ''susu'' collectors' clients and deposits per “susu” contributor increases in size.

The monitoring team had not done enough study to ascertain the problems “susu” collectors face and even if they had done that. No effort was made to address these problems. Also, the various “susu” groups have personnel with varying educational backgrounds like those identified in the previous chapter. However, the groups do not set a specific standard of qualification required. The analysis in the previous chapters reveals that “susu” collectors cannot grant longer-term loans given the short-term nature of their deposit liabilities. Also, the loan amount of a rotating susu group is equivalent to the total amount contributed by its members at an agreed-upon time.

Most “susu” collectors do not charge interest on their loans because all they do is advance amounts equivalent to what clients are obliged to save, less their own commission. This reduces the profitability of “susu” groups as well as has effects on the salary of “susu” collectors. “susu” collectors require security only when they lend to non-deposit clients. “susu” collectors tend to face problems when some client fails to pay amount loaned to them. To conclude it all, “susu” collectors face administrative problems as well as problems in the organization and operation of the scheme. Recommendation.

To improve upon the operation of the “susu” scheme in the Bantama sub-metro after identifying the problems they face. The suggestions below should be taken into consideration. Rotating “susu” collectors association (ROSCA) should review the ATF guidelines regularly to ensure consistent application of the accounting standards to the accounting books kept. The budget implementation team should also ensure that “susu” collectors' problems are identified and included in the budget and ensure that funds are solely spent according to what has been budgeted. ROSCA should also set up an accounting advisory unit to update the accountant on proper books keeping and accounting which will facilitate proper planning and decision.

In every institution, there must be a control mechanism in order to ensure effectiveness and efficiency. ROSCA should appoint internal auditors who will work permanently for “susu” groups alongside a set of rules and regulations to govern the conduct of these internal auditors. Regular research work must be encouraged by way of providing researchers with the needed information in order to determine the shortfalls of the operations of “susu” collectors. “susu” deposits should be educated on the operation of the scheme in order to avoid frequent blaming of “susu” collectors. To raise the amount of salary for “susu” collectors, a low interest should be charged to regular clients.

This is to get enough funds to pay “susu” collectors. “susu” collectors should demand collateral security before loans can be advanced. This is to avoid the risk of losing money in the operation of the scheme. The researcher supposes that, if the above suggestions recommended are carried out, it would improve upon the operations of the “susu” scheme by “susu” collectors in the Bantama sub-metro. Suggestions for further research.

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